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Nepal

credit Jed Brandt (jedbrandt.net)

Compiled by Eric Ribellarsi and Toni Kim

” Women being not only oppressed among all the oppressed groups, but also the last group to be liberated are the most reliable, stable, and basic force which needs to be tapped not only in winning the revolution but also in waging continuous revolution.”

” Being left behind in history by no fault of their own, they need to be given space to make mistakes and to learn from them.” -Parvati

In 2006, the Nepali Maoist leader Hisila Yami (Comrade Parvati) published a new work, People’s War and Women’s Liberation in Nepal. This work discusses the experience of the Nepalese revolution and the new approach to women’s liberation that this revolution has developed. Sadly, very few in the West have had access to this work.

We would like to make available a few excerpts from this work which underscore the creativity and new approach being developed by Parvati and the Nepali comrades, as well as some the problems and questions that they are still grappling with in order to move forward in the revolutionary process.

This work has several theses which we have found helpful and interesting, including:

  • The oppression of women rose with class society itself, and can only go out of existence with the abolition of class society. The oppression of women is a fundamental contradiction, as fundamental as the class struggle itself.
  • Parvati believes that women’s struggle for liberation is fundamental to continuing the revolutionary struggle under socialism. Whereas, in China, emphasis was placed on the existence of equality between men and women with slogans like “women hold up half the sky” and “times have changed, men and women are the same,” Parvati places emphasis on the view that these goals can only be achieved in a communist future. She believes that the women’s struggle is central to carrying forward revolutionary struggle under socialism.
  • Much time has been spent in her work to deal with the problems of the lack women’s leadership in revolutionary struggles. She argues that given thousands of years of class society and the way that women have been locked out of theory–not by any fault of their own–it is no surprise that many female comrades have not yet been able to develop as much theoretically. She argues that male comrades need to consciously create a space in the revolutionary struggle for female comrades to be able to step in and do theoretical work.
  • Parvati believes that the legacy of Stalin and viewing things as singularities or monoliths (instead of viewing things as unities of opposites) continues to stand in the way of developing women’s leadership in the revolutionary struggle. She argues that many comrades have a tendency to prevent women from becoming leaders for fear that they will make mistakes. Certainly mistakes will be made, but this is part of the contradictory process of developing communist leadership, and not something we should be afraid of.

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Eric from The FIRE Collective (Fight Imperialism, Rethink, Experiment) gives a talk about the importance of the current revolution in the small country of Nepal.

Presented by Eric Ribellarsi of the FIRE Collective

Today, seemingly a world away, the population of a small oppressed nation is engaged in an ongoing revolution that is striving and maneuvering for a decisive victory. They approach their revolutionary process in a way that is deeply radical yet shockingly undogmatic. Their thinking is fresh. What can we learn from their new revolution and how can we defend it?


DetailsRefreshments at 7:15PM, followed by program at 7:30PM. Discussion following.

For further information contact Pat Nichols, 713-681-6267, or nicholspat123 (at) gmail.com, or Eric Ribellarsi at ericribellarsi (at) gmail.com

Houston Peace Forum, 7:15PM, Thursday, Feb 11th, Room 302, First Unitarian Universalist Church, 5200 Fannin at Southmore. Parking directly behind the church or on surrounding streets. Open to the public, no charge.

This was originally posted on kasamaproject.org

By Mike Ely

To put this as bluntly as I can:

The Nepali Maoists are preparing right now (I mean over the next few weeks) for what-may-be a decisive military/political confrontation with the reactionary government and army.

The insurrection they have been preparing so carefully and so long may take place over the next two months.

The Maoists are seeking to mobilize the people (based on the understanding that their enemies will be wanting to act closely with Indian intrigues, and can be isolated by exposing those intrigues.) Their Indian, Nepali and American enemies understand this. Their revolutionary core base knows this. And we need to know it.

I will be ringing this bell loudly, and more loudly… and I want you to join me in ringing this bell.

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The following article originally appeared in the Maobadi's international organ "The Worker." Debates over the creativity and radicalism of the Maobadi have centered around this article, and it has been the center of a great deal of controversy, including dogmatic and sectarian attacks from the RCPUSA. We are reprinting it here for debate and discussion, to contribute to an overall process of reconception.

 

by Baburam Bhattarai

The basic question of every revolution is that of state power. Unless this question is understood there can be no intelligent participation in the revolution, not to speak of guidance of the revolution.”

- V.I. Lenin, (1917b: 34)   

                    The question of state power has now become the central question for the New Democratic revolution in Nepal, which is marching forward to capturing central state power after building revolutionary base areas and local power in the vast rural areas. The question has assumed significance and may be discussed primarily from two angles. Firstly, in the universal context; and secondly, in the concrete national context. Firstly in the universal or general sense, the proletarian (i.e. New Democratic or Socialist) state power is of a ‘new type’ as compared to all the state powers of minority exploiter classes in history. Further-more, after the downfall of all People’s Democratic or Socialist state powers including those in Russia, China and others in the past, the proletarian state powers arising in a new setting in the 21st century have to be of a further newer type. Secondly, in the concrete semi-feudal and semi-colonial national context of Nepal, where even the old bourgeois revolution and state has not been accomplished, the prospective proletarian state would naturally be, and have to be, of a ‘new’ type. Hence, we would first make a general review of the historical experiences on the question of state and strive to analyse the fundamental characteristics of a new type of state.

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Nepal's Maobadi have just declared that the capital city, Kathmandu belongs to the Newar oppressed nationality and formed a parallel autonomous government inside the capital city called the "Newa Republic Province." This has set reactionary pro-imperialist forces into a frenzy. The following article is from the bourgeois press in India, attacking the Maobadi. We are reposting it for informational purposes. Thanks to Gary Leupp for forwarding the article.

Outrage: Maoists declare Kathmandu ‘free’

Casting a shadow on the Nepal peace process, Maoists today announced that capital Kathmandu would henceforth be called the autonomous ‘Newa republic province’ where the dominant Newar community would have more rights than others.

Prachanda, chief of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists (UCPN-M), lit a candle outside the original royal palace to make the declaration of the ‘Newa republic province’, a move other political parties condemned as the “most retrograde step”.

It was seen to be symbolically challenging the political unification of Nepal by King Prithvi Narayan Shah who conquered the Kathmandu Valley in 1768 by defeating its Newar rulers.

Maoists have so far declared half-a-dozen “autonomous republic provinces”, ignoring warnings that such moves could lead to fragmentation of the country.

Prachanda said the Newar community would enjoy “special powers” and “in due course of time, all communities will enjoy equal rights”. He raised the ‘Newa Rajya Zindabad’ slogan three times.

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